DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0026

Duane W. Roller, Imperiul Mării Negre. Gloria şi decăderea lumii lui Mitridate cel Mare, trad. Sergiu-Adrian Adam, Bucureşti, Editura Humanitas, 2025, 372 p. (Alex-Marian Cornea); Martyn Rady, Habsburgii. Ambiţia de a stăpâni lumea, traducere din limba engleză de Lia Decei, prefaţă de Matei Cazacu, Bucureşti, Editura Corint, 2023, 585 p. (Ana-Maria-Ioana Lupăşteanu); Avram Iancu – un om între oameni. Lucrările Conferinţei Internaţionale: Avram Iancu – 200 de ani de la naştere: omul, contemporanii, epoca, Deva, 9-10 mai 2024, coord. Ioan Bolovan, Ioan Sebastian Bara, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Academiei Române, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2024, 713 p. (Constantin Ciobanu); Pierre-Antoine Dessaux: Vermicelles et coquillettes. Histoire d’une industrie alimentaire française, Tours, Presses Universitaires François-Rabelais, 2023, 308 p. (Simion Câlţia); Carmen-Sorina Rîjnoveanu (coord.), The wars of independence, diplomacy and society. New perspectives and approaches on the Great Eastern Crisis 1875-1878. Războaiele de independenţă, diplomaţie şi societate. Noi perspective şi abordări privind Marea Criză Orientală 1875-1878, Bucureşti, Editura Militară, 2023, 284 p. (Maria Cernîş); Relaţii politice şi militare româno-otomane-turce 1878-1989: documente, volumul I, 1878-1938 = Romanian-Ottoman-Turkish Political and Military Relations 1878-1989: documents, volume I, 1878-1938, coord. Carmen-Sorina Rîjnoveanu, responsabil de vol. Manuel Stănescu, Bucureşti, Editura Militară, 2023, 559 p. (Andrei Grigoraş); Eduard Andrei, Laurenţiu Vlad, Două istorii ale participării României la Expoziţia Universală de la New York (1939-1940), Târgovişte, Cetatea de scaun, 2024, 281 p. (Mădălin Anghel); Constantin Hlihor, Cu mâinile altora: România şi războaiele prin intermediari în Africa (1970-1985), Bucureşti, Corint, 2025, 364 p. (Teodor-Petru Bârgăoanu).

Victor RIZESCU

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0025

Abstract: The article uncovers the debate about unilinear vs. multilinear explanations of social development as it featured in the context of Romanian communist culture. Placing at the center the figures of the sociologists Henri H. Stahl and Miron Constantinescu and their vindication of the model of the Asiatic mode of production as an alternative to that of feudalism and as offering a more appropriate conceptualization of the Romanian early Middle Ages, it also delves into the problem of the paternity of the respective idea, placed at the forefront of unorthodox interpretations in the historiography of the early 1970’s, in order to be marginalized soon thereafter. It is shown that, formulated by reference to the Marxist theoretical frame of reference available for the researchers at the time, the alternative „feudal” vs. „tributary” modes of production nevertheless drew insights from the tradition of pre-communist historical sociology, highly concerned with the broader question of the plurality of modernization trajectories within the horizon of global social change. It is further disclosed the fact that, although in the main the entire debate was a product of the period of relative liberalization that the communist regime experienced over the period 1965-1971, its prerequisites were created over the previous, Stalinist age. It moreover exhibited survivals during the period of nationalist communist which followed. In the end, it is shown that neither of the three successive stages of communist culture was able to rediscover and re-conceptualize one particular compartment of the pre-communist debate about the deviation of Romanian modernization process from the western model: the one focused on the prevailing patterns of social stratification, centered upon a non-feudal and non-capitalist ruling elite extolling the characteristics of a bureaucratic oligarchy.

Keywords: Marxist historical sociology; Asiatic mode of production; unilinear vs. multilinear social development; communism and nationalism; oligarchy vs. bourgeoisie.

Lucica IORGA, Lucian LEUŞTEAN

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0024

Abstract: It is not our aim to settle the historiographical dispute regarding the causes that led to the ideological radicalization of the Ceauşescu regime through the adoption of the July 1971 Theses, but rather to bring to light a little-known element in Romanian historiography: the transcript of the meeting of the leaders of the communist bloc, without Romanian participation, held in Crimea and chaired by the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Leonid Brezhnev, on August 2, 1971, just five weeks after Nicolae Ceauşescu’s return from his Asian tour in China, North Korea, Vietnam and Mongolia. Additionally, we also offer some opinions on related topics (Ceauşescu’s visit to China, the Brezhnev Doctrine, Ceauşescu’s intentions, relations within the socialist bloc) from the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office. They can provide better context, as they come from a party not directly involved in those relations, but sufficiently well-informed to make substantial assertions.

Keywords: Nicolae Ceauşescu; Doctrina Brejnev; lagărul socialist; Ialta; Tratatul de la Varşovia.

Iana BALAN

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0023

Abstract: After World War II, Romanian-Polish relations developed under the influence of Moscow, both states becoming part of the socialist bloc. Academic cooperation was formalized through bilateral treaties, a significant example being the 1970 agreement between the „Al. I. Cuza” University of Iaşi and the „Maria Curie-Skłodowska” University of Lublin. This partnership facilitated the sending of lecturers from Iaşi (such as Ioan Sârbu, Ioan Lobiuc or Natalia Cantemir) to the universities of Lublin and Krakow. The role of the professors from Iaşi was a complex one. First, it is the educational and cultural one that involved teaching the Romanian language, history and literature, along with organizing events to promote Romanian culture. Second, it is the political role, because at that time the lecturerships also served as instruments of state propaganda. Although the 1970s were a period of intense academic growth and exchange, the following decade marked a decline due to economic difficulties and bureaucratic barriers. Despite these obstacles, the activity of the lecturers was considered fruitful, managing to train specialists and maintain a constant interest in Romanian culture in Poland.

Keywords: University of Iaşi, Romanian language lectureships, academic relations, cultural relations, Romanian-Polish relations.

Geanina-Ancuţa COSTAŞ

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0022

Abstract: The period of relative liberalization that followed the policies adopted by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej in the final years of his leadership had positive consequences for cultural life and set the tone for a series of changes that became particularly visible during the 1960s and 1970s. The most prominent shifts occurred in foreign policy, as communist Romania sought to distance itself from Soviet influence and establish ties with the West. These actions laid the foundations for a “field of cultural–political interaction” that improved both Romania’s cultural relations with Western countries and its internal cultural life. In this context, cultural relations with the United Kingdom experienced an upward trajectory, beginning with the cultural exchange program that regulated bilateral cultural ties for the years 1963-1965.

Keywords: communist Romania; cultural relations; United Kingdom; exchange program; foreign policy.

Árpád HORNYÁK

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0021

Abstract: The decisive factor in defining the national image is the relationship between the two nations throughout history, in this case the role played by Hungarians in the life of the Serbian nation, the extent to which they interfered with the realization of Serbian national goals, the extent to which they stood in the way of the realization of Serbian interests, or, in some cases, the extent to which they helped them. It can be said that the image of Hungarians in most Serbian history books, at least until the 18th century, is relatively favorable, and mostly emphasizes cooperation between the Hungarian and Serbian nations. The change came at the turn of the 18th century, but more typically from the middle of the 18th century, when the Hungarians appeared as an obstacle to the realization of the privileges “promised” to the Serbian masses who fled from the Turks to Hungary and had settled there. The Hungarians appear to have sought to eliminate the privileged areas established for the Serbs when they settled and to integrate them into the Hungarian county system, thus becoming the main obstacle to Serbian nationhood and independence – at least according to the textbooks. Serbian secondary school students have been given a fundamentally positive image of Hungarians, especially in newer textbooks. In most works, Hungary is presented as a viable, developing nation belonging to Western civilization, almost creating an empire, although this is rather implicit, and much depends on how teachers interpret the mostly accurate information provided in textbooks.

Keywords: Hungary; Hungarians; history textbooks; national image; Serbia.

Bogdan-Alexandru SCHIPOR

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0020

Abstract: On March 17, 1938, the Polish minister in Tallinn handed the Lithuanian minister in the capital of Estonia a communique by which Warsaw asked Lithuania to immediately establish diplomatic relations, without any preconditions. The Polish government considered this to be the only way by which the border problems between the two states could be settled without jeopardizing the peace.
Our analysis is focused on the way in which diplomacy from Bucharest received and analysed an element that often remains a secondary one in the evolution of Europe since 1938. The transformation of the Polish ultimatum into a favourable precedent for Germany or other great powers with interests in the region also raised the concern of public opinion in Romania. In this context, the Political Directorate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Bucharest ordered the drafting of a study on the Polish-Lithuanian Border in March 1938. The document was drawn up by two authors (a rare thing in itself for such a document), two career diplomats, Dan Geblescu and Dragoş Cotlarciuc, both of whom were at that time at one time secretaries of legation first class in the Central Administration of the Ministry and, certainly, experienced diplomats. Almost unknown in historiography, the study of the two diplomats has two components. The first interprets and explains the legal status of the Vilna region within the borders of the Polish state, arguing and justifying its inclusion in the borders of the Polish state, and the second part explains the situation in March 1938 and the context of the Polish ultimatum to Lithuania. The conclusion of the study, although it finds arguments for Poland’s gesture of force, questions its compatibility with certain international commitments of the two states, including the Briand-Kellog Pact, signed by both Poland and Lithuania. However, at the beginning of 1939, the same Dragoş Cotlarciuc draw another study, this time entitled The Neutrality of the Baltic States, dated on February 3, 1939. The Romanian diplomat emphasized that Poland had always sought to attract the Baltic countries into its zone of political influence. However, the Polish plans in this direction were constantly opposed by Latvia and Lithuania, which did not want to give up their neutrality. On the other hand, Dragoş Cotlarciuc pointed out that the German press was writing in 1938 about the Polish plans to create a Helsinki-Bucharest axis or a large block of neutral states, which would connect the Baltic Sea with the Black Sea, under the tutelage of Warsaw. Such a political construction would have been a variant of the Warsaw-Budapest-Belgrade-Rome axis.

Keywords: The Baltic States; Romania; Poland; Alliance; Neutrality; Ultimatum.

Ionel DOCTORU

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0019

Abstract: This study examines the evolution of the Romanian Legation’s headquarters in Paris between the end of the First World War and the 1930s, highlighting the political, administrative, and symbolic dimensions of this process. After 1918, Romania, having a much larger territory and population, faced the necessity of consolidating its international status and adapting its diplomatic presence to the new realities of Europe. In this context, securing a suitable building for the Legation in Paris – one of the main centers of European diplomacy – became both a practical requirement and an expression of national prestige.
The efforts to acquire, renovate, and expand the property on Avenue de Wagram reveal the persistent challenges encountered by the Romanian state: limited financial resources, shifting political priorities, and recurring administrative obstacles. Despite these difficulties, the project advanced gradually, reflecting the determination of the Romanian authorities to create a representation aligned with France’s central role in the country’s postwar diplomacy. Constantin Diamandi played a key role in this process. Through his diplomatic authority, organizational initiatives, and reputation in Parisian political circles, he significantly contributed to the modernization of the Legation. Although his tenure ended amid political instability in Bucharest, his efforts left a lasting institutional impact. Overall, the history of the Legation’s headquarters illustrates the interplay between diplomatic ambition, state capacity, and the symbolic importance of international representation in interwar Europe.

Keywords: Paris; Romanian Legation; Constantin Diamandi; Legation’s headquarters; diplomacy; economic relations.

Bianca ŞENDREA

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0018

Abstract: In July 1921, the law for the agrarian reform in Transylvania, Banat, Crişana and Maramureş was adopted, with provisions adapted to the situation in Transylvania, regarding the legal status of the owners and the option for citizenship (Romanian or Hungarian) and the unit of measurement of agricultural areas, more precisely the iugăr (1 iugăre = 0.57 ha). The implementation of the agrarian reform was a long-term process that had a major impact on the structure of property and agriculture in Transylvania, aiming at the expropriation of large properties and the redistribution of land to the peasants. Although large property was not abolished, its areas were reduced, and agricultural production was significantly influenced in the first interwar decade.

Keywords: agrarian reform; Transylvania; agriculture; large estates; interwar period.

Ana-Maria-Ioana LUPĂŞTEANU

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2025-0017

Abstract: This paper explores how the province of Bukovina, located on the eastern frontier of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, experienced both the military and informational dimensions of the First World War. It focuses on the figure of Nathan Eidinger, a Jewish merchant from Rădăuţi, who became a key intermediary for the Austro-Hungarian authorities in their propaganda efforts directed at neutral Romania between 1914 and 1916. Eidinger used his commercial and social networks to promote pro-Austrian narratives, aiming to keep Romania neutral or aligned with the Central Powers. His activities included establishing communication channels with Romanian elites, proposing economic cooperation (notably in grain exports), and influencing the Romanian press, particularly through newspapers such as “Universul” and “Adevărul”, by publishing articles emphasizing Russian atrocities in Bukovina. These media operations sought to discredit Russia and the Entente, portraying Austria-Hungary as a protector of civilization. Despite some initial success, the propaganda ultimately failed when Romania entered the war on the side of the Entente in 1916.

Keywords: Austro-Hungarian Empire; Bukovina; propaganda; diplomacy; First World War.