Iulia DUMITRACHE

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0008

Résumé: L’article propose, à partir des Haliéutiques d’Ovide, l’identification des espèces de poissons et des techniques de pêche répertoriées ou décrites dans le poème. Aussi, des analogies seront faites avec des auteurs grecs et latins anciens (Aristote, Pline, Aelian, Oppian, etc.), afin d’extraire quelques informations relatives à la fois à la ressource ichtyologique dans le bassin pontique (espèces, traits, comportement, quantité), ainsi que de l‘industrie du poisson (capture, transformation, stockage) et de la commercialisation (transport, distribution). Certaines questions seront abordées: Que signifie «pontique» dans ce contexte? Est-ce un terme générique ou peut-il être limité à certaines régions? Dans quelle mesure ces produits étaient-ils connus et populaires dans l’Antiquité classique? Peut-on les considérer comme des «biens locaux» ou circulaient-ils? Jusqu’où? Peuvent-ils être identifiés archéologiquement et si oui, dans quelles limites?

Mots-clés: Ovide; Haliéutiques; especes de poisson; techniques de pêche; commerce de poisson.

Petar DRAGIŠIĆ

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0007

Abstract: The paper focuses on Serbian media coverage of the historic events in Romania in December 1989. It pays particular attention to Yugoslav evaluations of the Romanian upheaval and the course of events that led to the fall of the regime in Bucharest. The research included press reports and comments from the most influential Serbian daily newspapers (Politika, Ekspres politika, Večernje novosti) and magazines (Nin, Duga and Ilustrovana politika). The paper aimed at evaluating the level of impartiality and objectivity of Yugoslav press reports and comments on the revolt in Romania and overthrow of Nicolae Ceauşescu’s regime in December 1989. The research puts the analysis of Yugoslav/Serbian perceptions of the revolt in Romania in the broader context of Yugoslav views on the Perestroika and its ideological and geopolitical consequences behind the Iron Curtain in 1989.

Keywords: Romania; 1989; Ceauşescu; Yugoslavia; press.

Ionuţ NISTOR

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0006

Abstract: The emigration of Yugoslavs in the early 50s was a complex process, resulted from the ideological and propaganda conflict waged by Belgrade and Moscow alike. Approximately 200 out of 4,000 Yugoslavs, who crossed the border in order to escape the psychological pressure and pursuit of the secret surveillance authorities, according to their own statements, arrived in Romania. Coming in waves of migration between 1948 and 1953, the Yugoslav emigrants were placed by the Romanian state in several labor colonies, of which the largest was in Bucharest. The secret service surveillance included turning some emigrants into espionage agents as well as other political measures to control the new arrivals. The relationship between the Romanian state and these defectors was not linear. The secret police and party organs did not trust the emigrants’ statements; the verification procedures were repeated several times, even after some proved their loyalty to the regime. The Yugoslavs, on the other hand, did not fully trust the Romanian state; in many cases, they avoided to tell the truth about their own past, out of an understandable fear of reprisals and legal consequences. At the same time, a justifiable and complicit mutually interested relationship was established. The secret police needed information about the emigrants, about the political, social and economic system in Yugoslavia, while the emigrants needed training and professional advancement.

Keywords: Yugoslav emigration; Resolution of the Information Bureau; RomanianYugoslav communication; Tito.

Vladimir Lj. CVETKOVIĆ

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0005

Abstract:

This paper has been written based on the Yugoslav archival sources and relevant Serbian/Yugoslav and Romanian literature. It represents an attempt of reconstruction of Yugoslav policy towards Romania at the time of the Romanian internal crisis and the breakdown of communication between the King and the government. The emphasis was given to the Yugoslav support embodied in the readiness to cooperate with the government of Petru Groza in political, diplomatic, and economic fields despite the fact that diplomatic relations had not been established between the two countries by then.

Keywords: Yugoslavia; Romania; Yugoslav-Romanian relations; Josip Broz Tito; Petru Groza; sovietisation.

Olivera DRAGIŠIĆ

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0004

Abstract:

The paper examines the impact of the armistice signed by the Allies with Badoglio’s government in Italy in 1943 on allied armistice with Romania in 1944. The study is based on the theory that the text of the Italian armistice and the way in which the government was established in Italy were the model by which the government was built in Romania a few years later. The Soviets insisted on reciprocity, expecting that its influence in Romania would correspond to military and political influence of the USA in Italy. The central institution through which the regime in Romania was established, the Allied Control Commission, was a direct result of the signing of the Armistice with the Romanian delegation in Moscow in September 1944.

Keywords: Romania; Italy; USSR; Armistice; Allied Control Commission.

Alexandru D. AIOANEI

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0003

Abstract: The Balkan Peninsula was one of the regions in which Britain placed great emphasis on organising clandestine actions during the Second World War. On the one hand, London was keen on securing its strategic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and, on the other, to prevent Nazi Germany to get food and oil products from the Balkan countries. In this context, Yugoslavia represented an important field of action for Britain in organising clandestine operations in Romania. Many of the British secret agents who arrived in Romania during this period came via Yugoslavia, and some of those who had to withdraw from Bucharest after 1940 did so via Belgrade. The blockade of German oil tankers on the Danube was also organised with the help of Yugoslavia. Our study attempts to shed light on these connections between the two countries, which, although holding a different status during the war years, were often perceived by British intelligence as a united front.

Keywords: Yugoslavia; WWII; Romania; Partisan Warfare; Clandestine actions.

Adrian VIŢALARU

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0002

Abstract: Relations between Romania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia went through several stages in the period 1919-1941. From the tensions marked by the Banat issue (1919-1920), at the level of allied countries within the Little Entente (from 1921) and the Balkan Entente (from 1934). That is why Romania’s diplomatic mission in Belgrade, raised to the status of an embassy between 1939 and 1940, was an important diplomatic post in Romania’s diplomatic network. However, in the analyzed period, the diplomatic mission had a staff equivalent to that of the diplomatic representations in the capitals of other allied states (Prague, Warsaw), but less numerous compared to Romania’s diplomatic missions in the capitals of the great powers (Paris, London, Washington). But unlike the diplomatic mission in Warsaw and the capitals of other important states for Romania’s foreign policy, the legation and then the embassy in Belgrade was led by five heads of mission. This fact demonstrates a stability at the level of the leadership of the diplomatic mission in the capital of the neighboring and allied state. At the same time, analyzing the profile of the diplomats who were active in the period 1919-1941 at the diplomatic mission in Belgrade, we notice, on the one hand, that most of them had law studies, and, on the other hand, that it existed at the level of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Romania the tendency to train diplomats specialized in Balkan matters.

Keywords: diplomats; Romania; Belgrade; interwar period; alliance.

Zoran JANJETOVIĆ

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2022-0001

Abstract: The Romanians of Western Banat experienced three turbulent decades between 1918 and 1948. Within just one generation they lived to see the break-up of the Habsburg Monarchy, creation of Yugoslavia, its demise in WWII, communist liberation, imposition of communist system and eventual split with the Soviet Union. Being a real minority, they were denied self-determination and become subjects of a country in which they, like all national minorities, were second-class citizens. Then, the leading communists were willing to grant equality to all – within the framework of their system that was equally oppressive for all citizens. Due to Romanians’ isolationism and conservativism, they could never be firmly integrated in the socialist system – even when it gradually became more liberal than in other East European countries.

Keywords: Romanians; national minority; Yugoslavia; Banat; communism.

Andi MIHALACHE

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2023-0019

Abstract: This study develops the research initiated in the volume titled În umbra unui ecou: tăcere, arhetip, recipienţă (2021). Unlike the latter, though, which focused on investigating the notion of silence relying on keywords such as the collective unconscious specific to analytical psychology, the present study captures silence in its relationship – either antinomic or complementary – with language and all the notions closely „escorting“ it: sound, noise, scream, whisper, logorrhoea, etc. It is a plea from the field of cultural studies, extracting its theories from the most recent challenges within neurosciences, phenomenology, and performing arts. The author does not aim to reach the same conclusions using another intellectual tool. On the contrary, he attempts to shed a different light on silence, thus providing readers with both certitudes and mostly dilemmas, inviting them to better self-knowledge.

Keywords: cultural studies; neurosciences; linguistics; phenomenology; discourse analysis; performance.

Iulian MOGA

DOI: 10.47743/asui-2023-0018

Abstract: Saint Gabriel the Holy Fool or the fool for Christ sake is a contemporary saint and wonderworker about whom generations to come will testify his miracles. He was born near Tblisi in a troublesome period of atheistic denial and great trial for the Georgian people. Like all the great holy fools for Christ, all his lifetime was despised, considered crazy, abnormal, judged by people and even by his own members of family, but he never ceased to confess his steadfast belief in the only one and true God.

Keywords: Saint Gabriel; holy fool; Georgia; Eastern Orthodoxy; communism.